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1 year oldFor months, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was warned of the consequences. He was strongly urged to negotiate a deal over the proposal to emasculate the Israeli Supreme Court, a misguided power grab advanced by his far-right coalition. On Monday, the first part of the legislation was approved by the Knesset. It appears Mr. Netanyahu went over a cliff. What now?
Mr. Netanyahu and his coalition have ignited a political crisis of immense proportions, perhaps the most consequential in Israel’s history. Massive protests against the judicial reform have filled Israel’s streets for months, and the vote brought open resistance from not only Israel’s progressive and secular Jews but also other bastions of the establishment.
Large businesses and unions are planning strikes and closures. A former head of Israel’s security service, the Shin Bet, was among those on the streets protesting after the vote. Nadav Argaman said he came to “mark the end” of Mr. Netanyahu’s rule. “Bibi has a coalition, but he doesn’t have the people. He’s lost the people,” he said. A letter signed by more than 1,100 air force reserve officers declared, “The legislation, which allows the government to act in an extremely unreasonable manner, will harm the security of the State of Israel, will break the trust and violate our consent to continue risking our lives — and will very sadly leave us with no choice but to refrain from volunteering for reserve duty.” Dozens of former top security officials — including former heads of the Israel Defense Forces, Mossad and Shin Bet — sent a letter declaring, “The legislation is shattering the common foundation of Israeli society, tearing the people apart, dismantling the IDF and causing grievous harm to Israel’s security.”
In more than 30 weeks of street demonstrations, the movement has developed financial, social, political and psychological resources, and the protests are sure to continue. The most popular chant at the demonstrations has been: “If there’s no equality, we’ll take down the government. You picked the wrong generation to tangle with.” Yes, these are probably not voters who support Mr. Netanyahu and his extreme religious and nationalist coalition partners, but there are rumblings of dissent even in his own Likud party ranks.
The passage of the legislation on Monday abolishes the court’s ability to nullify actions it deems “unreasonable.” But that is only the first step for this coalition, which also would like to gain control of the committee that selects judges and, with the judicial system no longer a counterweight to the executive, open the way to even more far-reaching goals such as annexation of the West Bank, which Palestinians envision as a future state.
This presages a grim future. Mr. Netanyahu, having brought Israel to this point, should immediately seek to open negotiations with the opposition on some compromise over the just-passed legislation, which won’t become law until signed by the president. Mr. Netanyahu could use the upcoming Knesset recess for talks. He should signal that he and his coalition will not attempt to unilaterally ram through the rest of the judicial reform package.
If he proceeds without compromise, the risks are great. He endangers Israel’s security, further splinters an already badly divided body politic and strains Israel’s relationship with the United States, which has repeatedly called on him to compromise. Much damage has already been done. Mr. Netanyahu should not throw more fuel on this dumpster fire but start to find a way out of the crisis.
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