The Embezzlement Scheme That Led to Le Pen’s Elections Ban

Marine Le Pen was at the heart of a system to create phony contracts directing millions in EU funding to her inner circle and party officials.

Marine Le Pen at a parliamentary session in Paris this past week. Photo: anne-christine poujoulat/AFP/Getty Images
Marine Le Pen at a parliamentary session in Paris this past week. Photo: anne-christine poujoulat/AFP/Getty Images

PARIS—Marine Le Pen convened a meeting of her party’s European Parliament lawmakers in June 2014 to discuss a vital matter: how to spend the 6.5 million euros the European Union had earmarked for them to hire assistants.

The sum was significant, more than double the entire payroll of Le Pen’s far-right party, then known as the National Front. Le Pen, according to court documents, asked the lawmakers to sign off on a system that allowed the Le Pen family to hand out contracts and cut paychecks to members of her inner circle and other party officials.

“What Marine is asking us is equivalent to signing for fictitious jobs,” one of the lawmakers, Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, wrote in an email at the time to the party’s then-treasurer, Wallerand de Saint-Just. “And it is the lawmaker who is criminally responsible for his or her own money, even if the party is the beneficiary of it.”

De Saint-Just, a trained lawyer who had groomed Le Pen to lead the party, responded: “I believe that Marine knows all this.”

Le Pen’s instructions to lawmakers were at the center of an embezzlement trial that ended this past Monday with judges banning one of France’s most prominent politicians from future elections, including the next presidential race.

President Trump and other nationalist leaders around the world have railed against France’s judiciary over the ban, claiming that the ruling is part of an effort by leftist elites to weaponize justice systems against their political opponents and subvert democracy. Trump himself has dismissed Le Pen’s trial as a witch hunt stemming from a “bookkeeping error” that “she probably knew nothing about.”

 

The European Parliament in Strasbourg, France.
The European Parliament in Strasbourg, France. Photo: yves herman/Reuters

 

A review of court documents, email and testimony from her trial shows Le Pen was at the heart of a system to create contracts that directed a total of €4.4 million, the equivalent of $4.8 million, in EU funding to members of the Le Pen family and the party’s staff in France between 2004 and 2016. The contracts benefited among others Le Pen’s sister Yann Le Pen; her former sister-in-law and close friend, Catherine Griset; and Thierry Légier, who worked as a personal bodyguard for Le Pen and her late father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, the party’s co-founder. Légier’s assistant contracts, on their own, cost the European Parliament more than €717,000.

Le Pen didn’t enrich herself, judges wrote in their ruling. Still, the payments “constitute a democratic circumvention that consists of a double deception, at the expense of the European Parliament and the electorate,” the judges added, describing the contracts as “fictitious.”

Le Pen didn’t respond to a request for comment. In her testimony, Le Pen said the contracts were designed to compensate aides who had wide-ranging roles that spanned from assistant work in the Parliament to tasks for the party that she said they were free to perform on a voluntary basis.

“Back then, the rules either didn’t exist or were much more flexible,” Le Pen said.

Le Pen has zeroed in on the judges’ decision to impose the ban with immediate effect. Since the appeals process in France usually takes years, Le Pen said the immediate ban effectively leaves her little chance to overturn the ruling before the 2027 presidential election. Le Pen was positioned to enter that race as a front-runner because President Emmanuel Macron is term-limited.

Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, then a member of the European Parliament, in 2014.
Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, then a member of the European Parliament, in 2014. Photo: Vincent Kessler/Reuters

“The judge’s goal is to prevent me from being elected president of the republic,” Le Pen told a meeting of lawmakers after the ruling.

As the criticism from Le Pen mounted, the country’s appellate courts took the unusual step of publicly setting a timeline to review Le Pen’s case before the 2027 election starts. In addition to the ban, Le Pen received a four-year prison sentence for embezzlement. Half of that term was suspended, judges said, adding that she could serve the remaining two years by using an electronic bracelet.

The court found Yann Le Pen, Griset and Légier guilty of receiving embezzled funds, sentencing each to a 12-month suspended prison term and a two-year ban from running for office. Griset and Légier didn’t respond to requests for comment. Yann Le Pen couldn’t be reached for comment.

De Saint-Just, the former treasurer, was convicted of being complicit in embezzlement. He received a three-year prison sentence, one year of which was suspended, and a three-year ban from running for office.

Reached by phone, de Saint-Just denied involvement in the scheme, saying he didn’t recall the email exchange with Schaffhauser. De Saint-Just said he interpreted his email stating that Le Pen “knows all this” as a reference to Le Pen’s knowing the rules of the European Parliament.

“I was blowing him off,” de Saint-Just said of the lawmaker.

Scrutiny of Le Pen’s practices began in June 2014, when the EU’s antifraud office received an anonymous tip, questioning the role of at least two of the party’s European Parliament assistants. The antifraud office conducted an inquiry and alerted French prosecutors in Paris, recommending that they open a probe. The prosecutors took no action.

Then, in February 2015, the National Front published an organizational chart for its national operations based in Nanterre, on the outskirts of Paris.

Martin Schulz, a German socialist who at the time served as president of the European Parliament, noticed that many people listed as National Front officials on the organizational chart were also under contract as parliamentary assistants. He flagged the issue to the EU’s antifraud office and to French prosecutors, who launched an investigation.

Prosecutors searched a number of locations, including the party’s headquarters and the home of Le Pen’s father. They seized documents that showed Jean-Marie Le Pen had created a system that centralized party’s payments to assistants in 2004. Under the system, the National Front’s lawmakers were expected to sign assistant contracts handled by a third-party payments provider that Jean-Marie Le Pen directed to distribute the money.

 

Marine Le Pen arriving at a Paris courthouse Monday.
Marine Le Pen arriving at a Paris courthouse Monday. Photo: Alexis Sciard/IP3/ZUMA Press

Fernand Le Rachinel, a European lawmaker between 2004 and 2009, later testified in court that the two assistants assigned to him under the contracts didn’t perform any work for him. One was Légier, Jean-Marie Le Pen’s bodyguard at the time, and the other was the elder Le Pen’s personal secretary.

Le Rachinel testified that he didn’t know the system was illegal, and he signed the contracts in good faith. “But the system didn’t suit me, I was very involved in Parliament, and I would have liked to have had real assistants,” Le Rachinel said, adding that Jean-Marie Le Pen “decided everything anyway.”

When Le Rachinel left office in 2009, Légier received a severance payment from the EU of more than €20,000. Days later he signed a new three-month assistant contract with Marine Le Pen that put him back on the EU’s payroll.

Légier later testified in court that his parliamentary contracts were justified, because he was in charge of the security of the party’s parliamentary group and its visitors.

When Marine Le Pen succeeded her father as the party’s president in 2011, she took a central role in organizing the payments system, according to court documents. Le Pen had earned a law degree in France before de Saint-Just, then the party treasurer, took her under his wing, teaching her the party’s operations.

 

A courtroom sketch shows Marine Le Pen in attendance for the verdict and sentencing on Monday.
A courtroom sketch shows Marine Le Pen in attendance for the verdict and sentencing on Monday. Photo: benoit peyrucq/AFP/Getty Images
 
Thierry Légier, who worked as a bodyguard for Marine Le Pen, with the French politician in 2022.
Thierry Légier, who worked as a bodyguard for Marine Le Pen, with the French politician in 2022. Photo: thomas samson/AFP/Getty Images
 

Now at the helm, Le Pen swiftly gave Légier a new contract that ran from October to December at a pay rate that was much more than what other parliamentary assistants were making and more than three times the average pay rate in France.

In 2014, the National Front scored a record number of 24 seats in the European parliamentary elections. The victory produced a financial windfall for a party that was running on fumes at the time. Lawmakers were entitled to spend around €22,000 a month on assistant salaries, in addition to their own salaries and expenses. The funding for assistants was equivalent to 65% of the overall budget for the entire party.

“In the years to come and in any case, we will only get by if we make significant savings thanks to the European Parliament,” de Saint-Just wrote in an email to Le Pen in June 2014.

On June 4, she summoned the newly elected lawmakers. They would later tell investigators that Le Pen told the group that each lawmaker should only hire one assistant and hand the rest of the EU funding to the party.

 

Jean-Marie Le Pen during an address in 1988.
Jean-Marie Le Pen during an address in 1988. Photo: eric cabanis/AFP/Getty Images

 


Afterward Schaffhauser fired off his email to de Saint-Just with the subject line “rules of parliament.”

“I understand Marine’s reasoning but we’re going to get burned, because with a [parliamentary] group this big our spending is going to be scrutinized,” the lawmaker wrote, adding that he didn’t tell the other National Rally lawmakers about the matter to avoid “an even bigger mess.”

A week later Le Pen asked the lawmakers to sign paperwork delegating their authority over the assistant payments to an accountant who served as her parliamentary assistant for years. She also asked them to use a third-party payments provider of her choosing.

 

Jean-Marie Le Pen in 2015.
Jean-Marie Le Pen in 2015. Photo: MARTIN BUREAU/Afp/Getty Images

 

Le Pen testified in court that she never asked lawmakers to hand over EU funding to the party, calling it “an outright lie.” She added that she “never forced anyone to hire anyone” but sometimes recommended assistants for lawmakers.

One assistant wrote an email to Le Pen in February 2015, four months after he was hired.

“I would quite like to get to know the European Parliament,” wrote Julien Odoul. “And it would allow me to get to know the lawmaker to whom I am attached,” added Odoul, who had signed a parliamentary assistant contract four months earlier.

Write to Noemie Bisserbe at noemie.bisserbe@wsj.com and Stacy Meichtry at Stacy.Meichtry@wsj.com

You need to register to keep reading

It’s still free to read – this is not a paywall

To view the article, you need to login as a member of the site. If you do not have an account, you can register by clicking Register for free. Then refresh the page to read the article.
You did not use the site, Click here to remain logged. Timeout: 60 second