
The secretary of state and national security adviser is at the forefront of the Trump administration’s push to weaken Nicolás Maduro.
By Lara Seligman, Vera Bergengruen, and Kejal Vyas
For more than a decade in the Senate, Marco Rubio sought the ouster of Venezuela’s autocratic leader, Nicolás Maduro. Now as President Trump’s national security adviser, Rubio is finally getting his chance to squeeze the strongman.
Rubio has been the top official executing an aggressive Trump administration campaign that began as a counternarcotics operation but has expanded into a broad effort to use sanctions and the threat of military force to pressure Maduro, according to people with knowledge of the discussions. While Trump’s primary aim is to stop the flow of drugs into the U.S., the hope is that the pressure campaign will also convince Maduro he can no longer remain in power, U.S. officials said.
In recent months, Rubio, the son of Cuban immigrants who served as the Republican senator from Florida from 2011 to 2025, has been quietly discussing a more aggressive stance on the Maduro regime with other senior administration officials, the people said. Trump has long been critical of Maduro and has tasked Rubio, along with White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller, chief of staff Susie Wiles and Attorney General Pamela Bondi with implementing the pressure campaign, said one senior administration official.
He has taken an unusually domestic focus for a secretary of state: striking deportation deals, revoking visas on ideological grounds and encouraging the use of lethal force against “narco-terrorists” he accuses of waging war against Americans.
“The President is the one who drives and determines our foreign policy,” said State Department spokesman Tommy Pigott. “It is the job of the cabinet to implement. Secretary Rubio is honored to be a part of the President’s team.”
The U.S. has ramped up lethal strikes on alleged drug smugglers in the Caribbean over recent weeks and has deployed nuclear-capable B-52 bombers just off Venezuela’s shores. The bombers are conducting training flights as part of a continuing exercise but are also collecting intelligence and serve as a show of force, according to another U.S. official.
The pressure campaign against Maduro is at the center of a “Venn diagram of interest” among Trump’s top lieutenants, one of the people said. Wiles and Bondi are from Florida, where anti-Maduro sentiment is strong among Republicans. In August, Bondi doubled the U.S.’s bounty on Maduro to $50 million, accusing him of working with criminal organizations such as Tren de Aragua and the Sinaloa Cartel.
“Nicolás Maduro is a narco-terrorist and fugitive from American justice who has deputized terrorist organizations to stay in power. His reign will not last forever,” Bondi said through a spokesman.
Miller is also an integral player in the discussions, the people said. For Miller, the campaign is a way to halt the flow of drugs into the U.S. and potentially enable the deportation of more immigrants who are living in the country illegally, according to one person.
Trump, who also tried to oust Maduro during his first administration, sees the more aggressive campaign as a foreign-policy win that could be an economic boon for the U.S. given Venezuela’s vast reserves of oil and other natural resources. He also sees Maduro’s removal as a domestic-policy win, as it would result in fewer drugs coming into the U.S., fewer drug-related deaths and safer communities, the senior administration official said.
The campaign has a heavy military element. The Pentagon has moved eight Navy warships, an attack submarine, F-35B jet fighters, P-8 Poseidon spy planes and MQ-9 Reaper drones into the region. In recent weeks, the department also deployed the elite special operations forces, including the Army’s secretive 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment, the “Night Stalkers,” near Venezuela’s shores for training.
In response to the U.S. military buildup, Venezuela is moving troops into position and mobilizing its militia.
“From the secretary of state’s perspective, it’s extremely smart because if his objective is ultimately continuing to pressure Maduro, justifying it in a way that the MAGA base can understand, is incredibly important,” said Ryan Berg, director of the Americas program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Rubio has framed the pressure campaign as “tantamount to defending the homeland, because [Maduro] is such a cancer in the Western Hemisphere,” Berg said.
In his unusual double role as Trump’s top diplomat and national security adviser, Rubio has been able to execute quickly on policies he has been advocating for over a decade. After years in the procedural grind of Capitol Hill, he has found the authority to move quickly “freeing,” says a senior adviser.
But he has also been laying the groundwork for an escalating pressure campaign on Maduro since he arrived at the State Department in January. His inaugural trip was a five-country spin through Central America and the Caribbean, an unusual region for America’s top diplomat. Behind closed doors, he often spoke to foreign officials in Spanish and made it clear that the Trump administration would reward allies in the region if they aligned with the U.S.
“One of my priorities is to ensure that U.S. foreign policy sends a signal that it’s better to be a friend than an enemy,” he said during a stop in Costa Rica in February where he called Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua “enemies of humanity.”
“It’s better to be an ally than a troublemaker,” he said.
The Pentagon is moving some of its most advanced units and weapons closer to Venezuela as tensions run high between President Trump and Nicolás Maduro. WSJ’s Shelby Holliday maps the buildup in the Caribbean. Photo Illustration: Annie Zhao
In the first months of his term, Rubio tangled with Trump’s special envoy Ric Grenell, who led direct talks with Maduro and advocated for a pragmatic deal that would reopen the country’s oil and mineral sector to U.S. companies in exchange for the release of political prisoners and economic reforms. Many policymakers and American investors had been betting on engagement and negotiations between Maduro and Trump, who in his first administration had led a failed effort to topple the regime in Caracas.
When Grenell visited Maduro in January and secured a deal to free American hostages and restart deportations of Venezuelans, many in the pro-rapprochement crowd thought the U.S. would soften its position on the regime.
But by mid-July, Grenell had been sidelined and Venezuela policy was firmly in the hands of Rubio, whose team that month led a swap of 252 Venezuelans held in El Salvador for 10 Americans held in Caracas. Soon after, the U.S. ratcheted up its allegations that Maduro is leading a drug cartel and followed up with a military buildup in the Caribbean to target suspected narco vessels.
Rubio allies and fellow hard-liners on Venezuela have cheered the escalation.
“President Trump trusts him because he knows Rubio truly understands the cancer of socialism and the need to eradicate it,” said Rep. Maria Salazar (R., Fla.).
For his part, Maduro has accused Rubio of engineering the pressure campaign, calling him the “lord of war.”
“President Donald Trump, you must be careful because Marco Rubio wants to stain your hands with blood,” he said last month.
Write to Lara Seligman at lara.seligman@wsj.com, Vera Bergengruen at vera.bergengruen@wsj.com and Kejal Vyas at kejal.vyas@wsj.com